Women’s movement to life or death in Argentina


In Latin America, the left and the resistance to the resurgence of the right have been embodied in the Vatican. The shadow cast by the pope, who strongly criticizes capitalism on the international scene, has made left-wing criticism tend to gravitate around his example.

Meanwhile, feminism offers a women-centered political subject with a distinctly different focus because, first, it challenges authority and nurtures a fundamental attitude of insubordination to existing organizations.

The strike call has caused some chaos within the existing union structure. The union leaders of all the major federations have publicly and emphatically declared that they will not call a strike because, they say, “the weapon of the strike is ours and ours alone”.

Meanwhile, young rank-and-file women form internal commissions where they lobby for the appropriation of the strike method. For a young generation of women in Argentina, participating in the feminist movement and being active in trade union politics are part of the same experience. Admittedly, for a certain part of the old leadership, it is impossible to be both a trade union leader and a feminist, but for the younger generation, the confluence of the two political tendencies is astonishing.

Feminism today has the potential to insinuate a level of insubordination and nonconformity into all types of organizations – a type of cross-cutting logic that runs through all different types of institutions. As you can imagine, the ideas of Angela Davis and the concept of intersectionality have also been positively received here.

In Argentina, the women’s movement succeeded in supplanting the Pope as the authority of leftist criticism, and the Latin American Church was unequivocal in its reaction to this paradigm shift, calling this “gender ideology – as they call it – as a public authority. enemy number one. Whether you consider the case of the evangelical movement in Brazil, or the mayor of Rio de Janeiro, or the way the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff was littered with references to God, the institution of the family, etc., it is clear that the church is mounting a counter-offensive against “gender ideology”.

There is a significant amount of animosity toward the strike coming from some parts of organized labor. Argentina’s largest trade union federation, the General Confederation of Labor (CGT), announced its plans for a march – not even a strike, mind you – on March 7, the day before the international women’s strike.

The media lined up, providing massive coverage of this march and the potential significance it could have for the realignment of forces within the Justice Party. [the Peronist party]. Meanwhile, the March 8 strike has become a sideshow, and on the rare occasions it is covered, the media always seems to revert to its fixation that these political mobilizations actually tend to aggravate gender-based violence.